Neoconservatism is not dead. The ideology of American imperialism and global conquest should have been decimated by failure upon devastating failure in Iraq, but the thready pulse is getting stronger. In the halls of power
neocon elites, unshaken by the unmitigated disasters of their foreign policy, are setting their sights on a new target: Iran.
Last month Presidential Medal of Freedom winner Norman Podhoretz published a
novella presenting massive
airstrikes as the only option for dealing with Iran. US military and White House officials menacingly assert Iran's engagement in a
proxy war against US forces, and President Bush continues threaten Iran, leaving "
all options on the table." Meanwhile, Republican Presidential candidates fuel the fire. John McCain turned the
theatrical performance of "Imminent Danger II" into a
song and dance act; Fred Thompson, the unannounced front-runner, has called for a
blockade.
Unilateral military action against Iran would be
phenomenally stupid, and those who advocate it are willfully ignorant of the facts. The logic of the
neocons own argument, that
Ahmadinejad is a madman hellbent on the destruction of the US and Israel, guarantees an escalating military response from Iran. The results would be devastating.
First, Iran sits between Iraq, Afghanistan, and well over a hundred thousand US troops. If, as the US Generals assert, Iran is successfully killing our soldiers
IED's in a covert proxy war, imagine the damage they could do in an all-out conflict. The Iranian Army is not a band of starving, poorly trained conscripts brandishing
dilapidated weaponry. It is the strongest military force in the region (US and Israel notwithstanding) posing a "
significant military threat" to the Persian Gulf and boasting "significant capabilities for
asymmetric warfare." If we bomb Iran, US troops will die.
Second, Iran's small
navy possesses incredible power due to its strategic location. The Straight of Hormuz connects the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman and channels 40% of the world's oil supply. Inconveniently, it also borders Iran. The Iranian Navy can't fight American warships, but it can scuttle warships and lay mines in the Straight. If Iran successfully closed Hormuz to oil traffic, the impact on global energy supplies could be catastrophic.
Third, Iran's paramilitary arm extends across the Middle East in the form of increasingly powerful militant groups like Hezbollah. These groups present a serious threat to US soldiers and local pro-American officials and advocates, but their threat to Israel is even greater. Last summer Hezbollah alone forced the exponentially more powerful Israeli forces into a stalemate and the moral victory generated massive public support. An American assault on a third Islamic would catapult public support for these groups.
Even if limited American
airstrikes didn't provoke full scale retaliation from Iran it would still be
disastrous. US
aggression would almost certainly trigger popular uprisings across the Middle East. Pro-Western governments in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia are already vulnerable, and massive
destabilization in these countries would be the best case scenario. That danger is particularly severe in Pakistan, a nuclear power where popular support for Taliban forces is growing. Even the debate over whether to hit Iran with military force is percipitating conflict. Concerns over US actions are reverberating through the Middle East and Islamic Asia. An article published today in a
Pakistani periodical frets that "it is hard to visualize the Americans
[ending] their program of regime change in Iran."
It's tempting to blow off concerns over a potential attack on Iran as mere paranoia from an American left wing still shocked by the hubris of the invasion of Iraq, but that would be a grave mistake. The war with Iran may have
already begun.